South Africa’s
democracy has come of age—now is the time for transformational leadership

Learning to work together at the highest level of power is essential, especially now that President Cyril Ramaphosa has unveiled the final shape of our new government of national unity. But are our politicians mature enough to provide South Africans with the leadership we need? Professor Faizel Ismail investigates...

 The South African national government election in May 2024 had the lowest voter turnout since 1994—about 59%. One of the reasons appears to be the lack of faith that South Africans have in political parties to effect the change they want to see.

According to the most recent 2023 SA Reconciliation Barometer, published by the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation, just under 50% of the country thought South Africa was somewhat or very divided. Three-quarters of the participants, across all race groups, agreed however that a united South Africa was desirable—and what they truly wanted.

This suggests that while South Africans may lack trust in their politicians, they do hope for change and wish they would work together to effect the changes we want to see in our country.

The GNU, part two

South Africa’s new coalition government was welcomed across a wide spectrum of observers from the time it was first mentioned as a possibility.

This was especially the case among investors who hoped for a more stable economic environment. Some saw it as South Africa’s democracy finally coming of age. “If this election tells us anything,” wrote one columnist for The New York Times, “it is that the work of building a true multiracial democracy has really just begun.”

And as many point out, there is a lot to be done. Nearly a third of working-age South Africans are unemployed. In addition, half our population is living below the national upper poverty line, with 25% experiencing some level of food poverty. Inequality is among the worst in the world.

According to the Reconciliation Barometer, fewer than a third believe that job creation, personal safety and inequality have improved since 1994. The expanding divide between rich and poor is listed as the leading source of division (36%) among South Africans, followed by political party affiliation (19%) and race (13%) in third, surprising to some.

But more resoundingly, South Africans are losing their trust in leadership and government.

“Never before in the course of two decades has the Barometer found such profound distrust in leadership, coupled with little confidence in the critical public institutions that form the foundation for a functional democracy,” reads the report.

To address the above challenges effectively, South Africa needs transformational leaders. It makes us wonder: can our politicians provide the transformational leadership that South Africans need?

What the coalition government must get right

Both the ANC and the DA, as well as the smaller members of the government of national unity (GNU), will have to set aside the posturing and territorial struggles for the greater good. There are five areas or themes that we at the Nelson Mandela School of Public Governance, inspired by the leadership of our first democratic government, believe they will have to focus on. These are:

• • Building an inspirational leadership: Founded on values and principles taught to us by Mandela, inspired leaders can reduce the trust deficit between everyday South Africans and our leaders. As the Reconciliation Barometer points out, the ongoing saga of State Capture—with perpetrators seeming to operate with impunity—has cost South Africans their faith in government. What’s more, it may explain the growing political alienation of the youth, who do not see their concerns being addressed by the state. Many have accused young people of being apathetic about political systems, which suggests a lack of interest—but a more accurate view could be that young people have lost faith in the current political system;
  
• • Strengthening our governance structures: Our Constitution has been hailed as among the finest in the world, but poor implementation, failures in service delivery (Eskom looms large), and the infiltration of our state, the police and other branches of government by those determined to line their own pockets, threaten our institutions and undermine our democracy. One way to address these failures is to encourage the participation of communities, trade unions, students and academia. We should enable citizens to serve as active participants in our state, rather than relegating their participation to that of mere voters;
  
• • Forging greater social cohesion: In this regard, our economic inequalities remain the biggest obstacle. We have policies and the means to shrink this divide, including broad-based black economic empowerment strategies. Regardless of its shortcomings—primarily creating a new class of ridiculously wealthy—BEE cannot be scratched, but should rather be improved. Its objectives remain key to the country’s future;
  
• • Building an economy that addresses structural unemployment: We simply cannot have an economy that leaves a third of the population without work, and half the youth without the means to build better lives for themselves. We can fix our economy through a robust industrial policy that focuses on industries that attract young people, among other measures. The construction and manufacturing industries have to be rebuilt. This will require an alignment between the likes of the Reserve Bank, Treasury, and the Department of Trade, Industry and Competition, as well as others such as science and technology and education; and
  
• • We need to build an effective, competent developmental state: This includes capacitating the civil service with a layer of professional technocrats who know how to implement in a complex environment and how to drive inclusive change. This will also mean incorporating trade unions, civil society actors, and the private sector as partners to strengthen the delivery of services.
  

This new iteration of GNU is perhaps the closest we’ve come to the governance that Mandela had imagined. In bringing together rival groups, it may be our best chance in 30 years to build the rainbow nation that Desmond Tutu and Mandela had imagined. They must together advance the transformation of our society, address the deep rifts and inequalities inherited from our apartheid past, and create a more inclusive economy.

This is what South Africans want. It is time for our leaders, like our democracy, to mature. It is time to set aside sectarian interests and build the nation which we had not so long ago hoped we would become..

Professor Faizel Ismail is the director of the Nelson Mandela School of Public Governance at the University of Cape Town.

This article originally appeared on the Daily Maverick’s website and it published with permission

A fly on the wall

Sipho M Pityana takes a look at the new South African government from all sides of the political spectrum

 The outcome of the 2024 elections landed President Cyril Ramaphosa an opportunity to play to his celebrated strength of being a skillful negotiator. He acquitted himself and his party very well, tactically outmanoeuvring and often dividing his opponents, and landing the ANC the position of leader of society that it was denied by the electorate.

He publicly acknowledged the ANC’s electoral setback. Humbled himself in accepting that his party could no longer govern alone. His message of uniting the country and driving a common agenda in the best interests of the people resonated with both the nation and the majority of political parties. He effectively employed the language of a Government of National Unity (GNU) to skillfully build an ANC minority government. His mission of unifying the country was in stark contrast to that of his strongest protagonists in the main opposition parties, including the Democratic Alliance (DA), the Mkhonto we Sizwe Party (MKP), and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF). These are the impressions of this fly on the wall.

The DA

The DA sees itself as the only alternative to the ANC. They are convinced that their strategy for the ultimate takeover has been well choreographed in both the City of Cape Town and the Western Cape Province. In the former, the party rode on the support of smaller opposition parties which it duly abandoned as soon as it didn’t need them. That became its blueprint to ultimate power, selling the notion of efficient and effective governance wherever they are in power with a few exceptions, they believe.

They lost sight of an undercurrent of resentment for their insensitivity to the imperatives of redress and transformation and, in particular, dealing with the persistence of marginalisation of Africans after so many years of freedom. This accounts for the fact that it has plateaued in its growth trajectory and receded in the latest elections.

As far as the DA was concerned, the ANC had lost an election and it needed it to co-govern the country in what was a first phase in their ultimate plan to takeover government. Mistakenly, it saw a leader in Ramaphosa who had been so weakened by the deep internal divisions in his party, including the new breakaway MKP, that he would see his salvation in forging alliances outside of it.

The DA’s hurried abandonment of its opportunistically concocted Moonshot Pact (MP) was more than just the fact that together, these opposition parties couldn’t garner a majority in parliament, but importantly about what the DA perceived to be an opportunity to snatch power from a seemingly weak, demoralised, and desperate ANC.

If you can assert your hegemony at the main table, why fiddle on the fringes with what they perceived as minions; so they thought. By jumping in first, the DA sought to wrestle the strategic initiative from the ANC, hoping to set the terms of engagement and gate keep.

After all, it was always clear that it wouldn’t work with the EFF and MKP and that all the other parties were to be “favoured guests” in what they construed as a DA/ANC love affair.

The MKP

On the other hand, the next most powerful party, the MKP, was too busy rolling out its predetermined agenda to discredit the election and cast doubt on the legitimacy of the electoral outcomes, and therefore government, as a prelude to pursuing its destabilisation agenda. They

suffered setbacks at every turn and denied themselves a place at the table to influence the shape and character of the GNU.

They had opened too many fronts in their battle with negligible capacity to follow through. They declared war on what they called ‘Ramaphosa’s ANC’, which could only mean that they wouldn’t be able to work with that party. They had nothing positive to say about the IEC. They consistently argued even before voting that if the election outcome showed them at less than a two thirds majority, it would only be due to the rigging of the vote.

Like their leader Jacob Zuma, they have in Chief Justice Raymond Zondo a sworn enemy that they consider incapable of honouring his calling to the bench. The rest of the judiciary is credible only when it rules in their favour, otherwise it’s assumed hostile and partisan. They are avowedly against the Constitution, the rule of law, and some important values that define our society today.

The MKP, which had consistently put the ANC on the back foot since its breakaway only six months before the elections, lost a unique opportunity to present Ramaphosa with a political dilemma. After all, it played no small part in the ANC’s almost 30% decline in electoral support at the 2024 polls. There were strong voices within the ANC, to whom a relationship with the DA is anathema, who were pushing very hard for an ANC/MKP/EFF reunion.

MKP suffered delusions of grandeur arising from its incredible electoral performance in the short time it was established. Even more so, its exceptional performance in KZN and the humiliation of the ANC in that province, combined with the erosion of the growing EFF support and undercutting the electoral fortunes of the IFP, made it a force to reckoned with.

Although the MKP engaged in the GNU talks with the ANC, it did so assuming the former’s desperation and sought to use this to insist on its unilaterally determined terms to which the ANC would never have been able to agree. It failed to use such engagements to shift the dynamics in the ANC against Ramaphosa.

Simultaneously, the MKP was too pre-occupied with governing KZN where it assumed it would be in charge as if a foregone conclusion. By supporting the IFP to lead that province in a coalition that also included the DA and National Freedom Party (NFP), Ramaphosa successfully sidestepped a direct confrontation with the MKP. Even more importantly, MKP’s ability to play the tribal card was severely circumscribed.

The EFF

Similarly, the EFF as the fourth largest party and a significant player at almost 10% of the National Assembly (NA), lost a strategic opportunity to insert itself to power and reposition itself for the ultimate takeover from the ANC, which is its widely known strategy.

Like the MKP, it had an exaggerated sense of its power and influence to direct the terms of post election political landscape. This stemmed from its confidence about what it understood to be internal dynamics in the ANC.

What makes the EFF’s loss from these elections greater than that of any other party is the collapse of its widely discussed, but unconfirmed grand takeover plan. Without commenting on its authenticity or otherwise; the EFF is said to have been working with the dominant faction in the Gauteng ANC to ensure the latter’s continued governance of that province after 2024 elections in exchange for strategic roles for the EFF at national level.

An EFF that was confident of its electoral prospects thought it would be in a strong enough position to co-govern with the ANC. Emboldened by the ascendance of Paul Mashatile at the 2022 ANC’s Elective Conference to the position of Deputy President of that party and subsequently the country, their plan seemed achievable.

In this scenario, there was more to the deal than just the ANC’s retention of a province that is the country’s economic hub; its most destabilising dimension was to be the removal of Ramaphosa as the country’s President. This would see Mashatile take over his role with EFF’s Julius Malema assuming the Deputy President role and hence the punting of the Ministry of Finance role for Floyd Shivambu.

This perhaps explains the EEF’s rather strident personal attacks on Ramaphosa during the election campaign and their frontal insistence at the time that they might work only with the ANC, but not with him, a stance that the newly formed MKP adopted with ease. It was only after their electoral fortunes fell short that the EFF proclaimed their readiness to serve under Ramaphosa’s leadership.

By projecting the GNU as a sellout project to a white racist DA, the EFF was seeking to sow division within the ANC in order to scupper Ramaphosa’s initiative and thereby regain its lost strategic influence, especially after being relegated by the MKP. The EFF was so confident that the ANC’s special National Executive Committee (NEC) convened to discuss the GNU and would join them in rejecting any deal that involved the DA. In the end, that failed, but not for lack of trying.

Had it succeeded, Ramaphosa would have not only suffered a humiliating setback in his own party, but even worse the ANC would possibly have been plunged into an even deeper crisis and led by a severely wounded general in its fiercest battle for survival.

All along, the EFF’s agenda, like the DA, was to co-govern with the ANC and possibly others, including the MKP, in what they considered the dying days of the ANC, where they would ultimately emerge wearing the crown.

Unlike the DA, they thought by staying out of the GNU they could kill it, and persuade those they considered like-minded (or as they call them, ‘the progressives’) to do the same. Consequently, they thought they would leave the ANC with a dilemma of having to explain its marriage with the DA against an available option of “progressive” parties. In this way, they had hoped to earn themselves a place at the main table to determine the terms of a co-government with the ANC and invited “others”. They, like the DA, would be gatekeepers while ensuring their hegemony.

All welcome

By framing the guiding principles of a GNU and its terms of engagement while simultaneously remaining expressly open to engage with everyone, Ramaphosa created an impression of an open door, but in fact it was more about exclusion by self elimination.

Unlike the EFF and the DA that were exclusive, albeit in varying ways, the ANC presented itself to other parties as inclusive.

Although the IFP was early in joining the GNU, and a strategic partner given the KZN dynamics, the DA was quite keen to contain its significance more to that province than national, which it saw as the preserve of the big girls (DA and ANC). The ANC’s open door approach brought with it the dilution of the DA’s positioning and the strengthening of the ANC.

Hand Overplayed

There can be little doubt that all three major opposition parties underestimated Ramaphosa and the ANC and consequently overplayed their cards, thereby unintentionally affording him a rite of passage.

In overplaying its hand, the DA inflicted the most severe damage to its standing, including amongst its most loyal support base. Their arrogance, which Ramaphosa rightly described as “condescending”, alienated many more.

They misunderstood the fact that many powerful among its funders wanted it to be in coalition with the ANC, not so much in order to co-govern, but, critically, to prevent an ANC reunion with the EFF and MKP.

They perceived such a prospect of reunion as a threat to political and economic stability as it could possibly result in a shift to economic policies.

Very few among these were looking to the DA to tame the ANC’s economic policies. After all, the latter is already doing a good job of that with its conservative agenda, unaided.

With their original game plan having failed dismally, the DA leaders are already publicly contradicting each other, no longer sure why they are in the GNU.

This fly on the wall believes that the DA does not have an option but to stay in the GNU, as quitting will exert a much higher price than joining in the first instance. Work it out; that’s what keeps an unhappy marriage going.

Similarly, the EFF, which has a lot more in common with the ANC than it does with the MKP, has a serious dilemma. In the absence of a clearly articulated policy statement, not only is the MKP against a constitutional order, their policy statements are often at variance with the foundational principles of the Freedom Charter, by which the EFF swears. Beyond a dislike for Ramaphosa, there is nothing obvious about their possible alliance. However, marriages of convenience are all too common in politics, so we cannot be surprised.

The party of red overalls unfortunately does not have too many options. A deep introspection might just help them discover the many different overall colours that feel left out in their cause.

A Cry for Leadership

Coalitions are sustainable only in conditions where leadership shows maturity and have a realistic sense, not only of their relative strength in relations to other parties to the arrangement, but also the select circumstances when such strength may be effectively deployed. Ramaphosa may have won this round, but that is no guarantee of how he would fare in future ones.

Bigger battles lie ahead as some in the coalition wrongly assume that they may be able to pursue their exclusive party positions. The early ructions that have resulted in delays in the announcement of a Government of Provincial Unity (GPU) and the IFP/NFP differences in KZN are all signs that we dare not be euphoric. After all, unity is what we aspire for, but the absence of a single hegemonic party means the political space stands to be fiercely contested.

In the meantime, the country is in desperate need of cohesive and decisive leadership that can urgently take it out of its worsening crises. The GNU’s minimum programme suggests a recognition of where urgent action is required.

The inevitable political squabbles that are likely to follow the swearing-in of the new executive should not cost us the necessary focus and a sense of urgency to follow through on the minimum programme.

While all the parties to the GNU have a duty to ensure its success, there can be no doubt that the three most significant players to ensure the success of this initiative are the ANC, DA, and the IFP.

They must be reminded that national interests trump narrow party political agenda.

Sipho M Pityana

We are now teetering on the precipice of an abyss

Failure to deal with the Gestapo-styled tactics of the Democratic Alliance and the Helen Zille megalomania, the Government of National Unity will eventually become a political stillborn, argues Benzi Ka-Soko

ANC intellectual supremo Dr Zamani Saul writes that the poor performances in the recent National and Provincial Elections is excruciating because we are now teetering on the precipice of an abyss.

This brutal analysis by Dr Saul is informed by the Democratic Alliance’s escapades of attempting to hold the country hostage through strong-arm politics aimed at controlling the Government of National Unity.

The glitz and glamour associated with the Presidential Inauguration and the colourful razzmatazz appointment of the Cabinet have come and gone.

It is now back to reality for the newly appointed Political Principals to ensure that their departments roll up their sleeves and perform the duties and responsibilities allocated to them by the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa.

Our country’s politicians should know that they are not celebrities, but that they are servants of the people and must serve with humility, respect, dedication, and integrity.

The electorate expects nothing but the acceleration of service delivery to all the communities across the length and breadth of the country.

Importantly, the people of this country should translate their vote into demanding absolute commitment and dedication from politicians and quality services from all Government Departments as per the stipulations of the country’s Constitution.

The outcomes of the 29th of May 2024 National and Provincial Elections have forced the ANC to establish an inclusive Government of National Unity ala Mandela’s GNU of 1994, after performing dismally, only managing to amass 40% of the national vote.

This political development has placed the ANC in the same league with other liberation movements on the African continent which began to evaporate just after two or three decades post-independence.

This is a first for the ANC after having been in power for 30 solid years!

The ANC is like a spoilt brat who has been the only child in the house and, unfortunately, must share everything with the newborn sibling.

For starters, it should be mentioned that the ANC has been accustomed to controlling the 400-strong members of the National Assembly through its powerful majority which it used to bulldoze the enactment of all legislation, including the draconian application of the partyline on all matters; even those that defecated on the Constitution and the consciences of its MPs such as the Nkandlagate and Phala Phalagate, respectively.

The gimmicks and gaffes taking place in the country’s Local Government arena are an attestation that there is serious political immaturity among political parties and their respective leaders.

The recently held National Dialogue on Coalition Governments is an open admission on the part of all political parties in South Africa that this political phenomenon has become a fait accompli in the country’s political landscape and is here to stay for a very long time. As we speak, there are many municipalities that have literally collapsed, which necessitated the intervention of both National and Provincial Governments through the invocation of Section 139 stipulations.

It is common knowledge that National Government had to intervene in Limpopo and placed five departments under administration because they had collapsed due to corruption and maladministration.

The main reason for this calamitous situation in these municipalities is lack of leadership coupled with leadership mediocrity and political squabbles which have far-reaching implications on service delivery.

Regrettably, it also means the endgame for the ANC political hegemony and political grip that it has been enjoying for the past 30 years since the attainment of freedom and democracy in 1994.

Does this turn of events mean that the South African electorate has undergone some drastic evolution of political consciousness?

Can we safely declare this political epoch as amounting to the end of liberation politics in South Africa?

The GNU will face the test of time on a plethora of issues which include inter alia, the land question vis a vis the expropriation of land without compensation, the National Health Insurance (NHI), cadre deployment, the adoption of the economic policy, industrial policy, migration policy, the tender system, social security policy, international relations/foreign policy especially on the Israeli-Palestine Conflict and the Russia-Ukraine War, to name just a few.

These are just some of the many polarising issues that will definitely test the political resilience of the GNU and, arguably, decide its continued existence and/or pose existential challenges for it going forward.

People should be reminded that the GNU is a conglomeration of political parties that are diametrically opposed in all forms, content, and orientation with poles-apart economic policies.

The ANC claims to be a disciplined force of the left, thus suggesting that it is pro-poor-socialist in ideological orientation, and the DA on the other hand of the equilibrium, is openly pro-rich-capitalist in ideological orientation.

With its single Member of Parliament who has been given a Ministry of Land Reform and Rural Development, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania is known for its radical form of nationalism which calls for the repossession of land from the white settler community, and the PAC Constitution openly propagates for the expropriation of land without compensation and the nationalisation of all commanding heights of the economy. These are serious extremes of ideological schisms!

The shenanigans affecting the Provincial Government of Unity in the Gauteng Province have exposed both the ANC and DA that their focus is on sharing political positions at the expense of the Gauteng community.

Their disagreements on the allocation of positions have resulted in the DA boycotting the GPU, an act that almost collapsed the formation of the Gauteng government.

This conduct is reprehensible and must be condemned in the strongest terms possible.

It should be remembered that the jostling for positions has been the main cause of the instability in the Local Government sphere, which made municipalities to be a laughingstock of the whole country.

The coalition negotiations have exposed a significant degree of political immaturity from the country’s political parties following the 2021 Local Government Elections and subsequently the 2024 National and Provincial Elections, respectively.

Our country’s political leaders approached the coalition engagements armed with their respective ideological dogmatism and political baggage which presented serious challenges in the negotiation table.

The political animal called coalition governments is arguably a new phenomenon in our political landscape and political parties were at sixes and sevens as to what they should do during the deliberations, hence the sharpening of contradictions instead of political realignment. Party political leaders went to these coalition talks with dogmatic policy positions, some of which were itemised as non-negotiables.

This was a clear recipe for disaster.

For starters, it should be mentioned that the process of negotiations is an exercise of finding one another despite the existing ideological differences.

For negotiations to be nominally erratic and eventually successful, the negotiating parties should first put the interests of the country in the forefront and above everything, including selfish and vested interests of their political parties.

Political parties should strike a balance regarding their negotiators; meaning that the negotiating teams should not be overwhelmingly dominated, for example, by radicals or moderates. The teams should have both radicals and moderates to complement one another during the negotiations.

Both radicals and moderates should be intellectually able to understand one another and be able to persuade one another on facts and possibilities of strategies and tactics in the course of negotiations.

Importantly, negotiators should be individuals that are not afraid to express a different opinion when confronted by their superior political leaders for fear of reprisals.

Expressing a dissenting view from that of the superior leader in the political hierarchy should not be misconstrued as amounting to mean disrespect, but should be encouraged in order to broaden the horizon of intellectual independence aimed at strengthening the party and its ideological orthodoxy.

As we grapple with the new phenomenon of coalition governments in South Africa, it should be vehemently mentioned that party members should refrain from treating their superior political leaders like emperors who cannot be challenged politically and intellectually.

History has documented the demise of many political parties in Africa and the whole world whose demise was engineered by superior political leaders who did not want to be politically and intellectually challenged because they viewed themselves as demigods and supreme emperors.

If not swiftly stopped, Helen Zille will cause the DA demise through self-imolation.

The Nazi Party in Germany allowed itself to be led astray by the megalomania of its leader Adolf Hitler who singlehandedly controlled the party’s thinking, thereby plunging the whole world in the devastating Second World War in 1939 when he delusionally decided to attack Poland. In the same vein, the emergence of Stalinism in the USSR is a perfect example of the dangers posed by leadership megalomania in the political structure of political parties.

It is against this historical background that political parties in South Africa should learn and know the intricacies of negotiations in the context of establishing workable and sustainable coalition governments.

Speaking of workable and sustainable coalition governments going forward, political parties should solicit the expert knowledge of institutes and institutions that are dealing with a plethora of political topics such as political negotiations, political management, political diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, economic diplomacy, international relations, political communication etc.

In fact, for negotiations to be easily managed, the institutes should have availed their expertise by facilitating these negotiations.

It has been historically documented that negotiations that have been facilitated by third parties have a reputable track record of success with less glitches and delays.

Even the talks about talks that heralded the CODESA Negotiations were facilitated behind the scenes by certain intellectuals from both sides of the warring parties and independent intellectuals linked to various think tanks.

In the same spirit, civil society should not fold its arms and watch idly like spectators, but there should be a vigorous civil society activism in order to hold councillors accountable and responsive to the aspirations and the needs of the people as demanded by the Constitution and all other legislative statutes governing Local Government in South Africa.

The time for sleeping is over. But, more importantly, we should ask ourselves whether the people that we elect during elections are fit for purpose or not.

Are we electing people who have relevant leadership qualities, intellectual and technical skills to lead in the country’s Local Government arena?

The challenges that we are currently experiencing call for the serious professionalization of Local Government with stringent requirements placed on those having ambitions for political office and administrative management of municipalities. Equally, there should be more implementation of consequence management measures against councillors who are committing acts of corruption through tender manipulation tactics. It is an open secret that some councillors use political interference to meddle in the supply chain management processes, thereby bullying administration officials and threatening them through the dreaded policy of Cadre Deployment.

Similarly, this no-nonsense posture should be adopted against municipal administration officials who use their power in the system to manipulate processes of awarding contracts to their friends, families, and blue-eyed tenderprenueurs in order to create symbiotically corrupt spiderweb networks of cronyism and patronage. As things stand, the prevailing corruption in the Local Government arena stinks to high heavens and can only be uprooted by an active, agile, and vigilant citizenry that do not expect little favours from the political elite which is arguably corrupt to the core as revealed by various media investigations such as the fearless Groundup investigations.

Failure to do things in a drastically different way, the Government of National Unity and Governments of Provincial Unity will unfortunately collapse and cause a serious political conundrum for South Africa.

The electorate has taught all political parties a hard-hitting lesson that going forward, they must learn to work together in the political management of the country.

These are indications that our country’s democracy is gradually maturing and will soon be like the most of the European nations where coalitions have become a permanent feature of their political systems.

Benzi Ka-Soko is an Author and Independent Political Analyst.

The price of freedom is eternal vigilance

Bonang Mohale shares his views on the current status of South Africa following the implementation of the Government of National Unity

 The June announcement by the IEC of South Africa’s 2024 National and Provincial election results signals both a tectonic quake and huge regime shift. Of the 42.3 million people who are eligible to vote, 27.8 million were registered, while just 16 025 198 votes were cast, representing a 58.61% turnout rate of only the registered voters. The ruling African National Congress (ANC) lost its 30-year long parliamentary majority, securing 39.77% of the National Assembly vote. Obtaining 159 out of the 400 seats in parliament, the party is down 71 seats from 2019 and has also lost its majority in the KwaZulu-Natal, Gauteng, and Northern Cape provincial legislatures.

Germany, India, Israel, Italy, Netherlands, New Zealand, and historically the United Kingdom have often governed by coalitions. Even though for us it might be new at national level, we have experienced a disastrous initiation at local government level.

They are typically formed by multiple political parties that work together to govern a country or region when no single party has a majority of votes or seats in a legislature and parties must collaborate to achieve a majority. Some of the key characteristics of a coalition government includes, conflicting party interests, difficulty in reaching consensus, compromised policy decisions, negotiation among parties, can be more representative of diverse political views, more unstable than single party governments, requires strong leadership and communication among parties.

For South Africa, coalitions must, among others, be committed to transformation. It is not sustainable for the top 10% to continue to own about 80% of the economy and about 70% of positions of leadership. There is a problem when your own employees can’t afford the goods and services that they produce. As early as the days of the Model T Ford, even Henry Ford said that “we must build cars that our own employees can afford”.

The intent is for this economy to be broadly reflective of the demographics in all levels of ownership and leadership; ethical leadership, especially in government and civil service with a demonstrable track record, knowledge and requisite experience; good governance with proper oversight, checks and balances, duty of care and diligence to keep the good people in check. Because, even the good people left on their own for far too long, eventually become the bad people; service delivery, especially of reliable, stable, and predictable electricity; clean running water; planned and preventative maintenance of our infrastructure—rail, roads, ports, sewerage, etc. and law and order, safety and security, starting with the rooting out of State Capture, bribery, stealing, and cheating; the successful prosecution of high-profile individuals named in both the Truth and Reconciliation (TRC) and Zondo Commissions, those who aided and abetted the industrial scale looting of the country resources; reforming the criminal justice system to strengthen the quality and independence of the judiciary, including overhauling the Judicial Service Commission. We better start becoming a lot more vocal, civil, and demanding of excellent service delivery.

The one small action which could fundamentally shift and have a compounding effect on the trajectory of this country over the next decade is to root out and defeat State Capture—the way formal procedures, such as laws and social norms and government bureaucracy are manipulated by government officials, state-backed companies, private companies or private individuals, so as to influence state policies and laws in their favour.

State Capture sought to achieve four objectives, viz. creating a shadow state; repurposing of state owned enterprises and companies (SoE/Cs); the hollowing out of key state institutions by replacing the good people with the bad; and the final prize being the ultimate capture of the National Treasury, precisely because it is responsible for both the PIC and the SARS. The State Capture project simply exacerbated this already ominous situation. The nine wasted years were wasteful at a grand scale where we were rendered passive by ubiquitous industrial scale looting. About R1.5 trillion of waste in just five years. We estimate an average of R100 billion every year was siphoned off to the ‘Zupta Family’. Bosasa netted R12 billion from 2004 and VBS squandered R1.8 billion of investors’ hard-earned cash, etc. State Capture has brought about irreparable harm, dashed dreams, profound disappointment, and human tragedy—leaving millions in avoidable and often desperate poverty.

The immediate consequences are that we are now in the midst of the lowest confidence, trust, and hope since the Second World War; still reeling from the ‘nine wasted years’; a near zero GDP growth in the last twenty years; the three Rating Agencies’ downgrade; sixteen and a half years of Eskom’s rolling blackouts; 2018 VBS Bank looting; intermittent water supply where people of Hammanskraal had no clean running water for twenty years with the resultant cholera outbreak, etc.

State Capture costs the SA gross domestic product (GDP) at least R27 billion annually as well as the loss of 76 000 jobs that would otherwise have been created, it increases the costs of doing business, stunts the dynamism and competitiveness that is needed, often both the goods are not received and service is not rendered and has a negative impact on growth and jobs. The power crisis is costing the economy some $50 million a day in lost generation; Eskom, is costing an average of R900 million ($55 million) a month in corruption, with the company burdened with debt and unable to produce enough power for the country’s energy crisis—the cost of unserved electricity in 2022 is about R560 billion; at stage 6 load shedding, about R4 billion a day; about R500 million between stages and it wipes off about 2% of GDP per annum. The continent’s leading industrial power is unable to draw stable, reliable, and predictable energy from Eskom’s antiquated and poorly maintained power stations.

Had we just maintained our growth trajectory of the first 15 years, today the economy would be 20% larger at about $448 billion, not the current $373 billion (Egypt’s at $348 billion, Algeria’s at $267 billion, and Nigeria’s at $253 billion) and is lucky to reclaim its number one spot.

GDP growth would be about 7% not the current <1% and GDP per capita would be about $8 400 not the current <$7 000, the unemployment rate would be about 16% not the current 32.9%, and the country would have banked an extra one trillion Rand. Maybe our economy would not have entered a recession, our credit rating would not have been below investment grade at BB-, FTAF would not have grey listed us, we would not have had the highest cash in transit heist, inequality, SME failure rate, GBV-F rate in the world. Maybe the over 600 businesses in South Africa would not have shut their doors in 2024 so far due to liquidations.

Maybe the three oil majors—TotalEnergies, Shell, and BP—would not be scaling down their South African operations and planning to sell their downstream businesses. TotalEnergies, Europe’s largest oil company, recently announced plans to give up its licence to drill for oil and gas off the shore of South Africa having already sold its 36.36% stake in the 108 500 barrels per day Natref Refinery in 2023, while BP and Shell sold the jointly owned 180 000 barrels per day Sapref Refinery that contributes around 35% of South Africa’s total refinery capacity for R1 last month. This sale followed BP’s complete cessation of jet fuel operations in South Africa at the beginning of 2023.

The struggle against State Capture and corruption in South Africa is a struggle for human rights. State Capture lays bare the various networks of looters in the public and private sector who have criminally enriched themselves at the expense of the many.

The consequences of the looting have been dire and have undoubtedly contributed to poverty and unemployment and extends beyond a financial loss. The capacity of the state has been severely eroded. In addition, South Africa has had to grapple with a weaker economy, a continued revenue short-fall, and dysfunctional State-Owned Entities and Companies (SoE/Cs) that are bleeding the fiscus dry.

It is unconscionable that constitutionally enshrined human rights such as health care, social security, housing, and basic education have been compromised because of the actions of corrupt individuals. When economic freedom—the ability of individuals and families to make their own economic decisions without interference from government—is extended to all, it generates positive social and economic outcomes, including opportunity; increased economic growth; enhanced job creation; economic diversification; political stability; peaceful development of other freedoms; etc.

The advent of the ‘New Dawn’, if it was rigorously implemented would have ushered in renewed growth and prosperity to all South Africans. A bright and prosperous future that was palpable and visible on the horizon.

Bonang Mohale is the Chancellor of the University of the Free State, former President of Business Unity South Africa (BUSA), Professor of Practice at the Johannesburg Business School (JBS) in the College of Business and Economics, and Chairman of two listed entities.

Let’s support the GNU

South Africans are feeling a little spring in their step, and not just because the Proteas finally reached a final or the Boks are world champions. Yacoob Abba Omar investigates why...

 The Proteas reached the final of a major cricket tournament for the first time in three decades, coming within seven runs of beating cricketing juggernaut India. Yet some have still branded them a ‘bunch of chokers’.

South Africa held a largely peaceful seventh general election under our democratic Constitution—an election that gave the governing ANC just 40% of the vote and resulted in a few weeks of robust haggling—and the doomsayers had a field day predicting the end of the 1994 constitutional republic.

The country’s political, business, and labour leadership mobilised to steer in a new era of politics and hopefully even better governance. As political analyst and academic Steven Friedman wrote recently, ‘it shatters some bigoted stereotypes about Africa and its people’.

Yet there are also many causes for concern. At 58.64%, this was the lowest turnout of registered voters for national and provincial elections since registration began in 1999.

In 2019 it was 66% and 80% in 2014, while in previous years it was in the seventies. During the election campaign, some political leaders were comfortable enough to attack the Constitution, calling for its root and branch revision, while many devices were used to try to undermine the credibility of the Electoral Commission. The threat of violence lingers in the air, especially in KwaZulu-Natal. The public discourse has been characterised by appeals to narrow chauvinistic identities, or even xenophobic rhetoric.

Yet if the so-called amorphous and anonymous markets are to be believed, the GNU will be good for SA. And I think South Africans can finally, and ever so tentatively, start believing in the possibility of a better future.

For most South Africans it was no surprise that the Constitution and citadels of our democracy—the judiciary and the electoral process—withstood the attacks.

Extreme poverty

Bruised as the ANC had been, it was mature in its management of the negotiations. Not only did it have its feet firmly planted in the centre of SA politics, but using a mixture of cajoling, accommodation, and sometimes flattery, it shepherded almost the full spectrum of political parties to join it.

The elections highlighted a number of issues the GNU and our democracy need to address. These include the extreme levels of poverty many South Africans suffer. This will remain fertile ground for extremist parties such as MK. While it may be tempting to campaign in the extreme, the harsh realities of governance requires cool heads committed to the boring stuff. Stuff such as what is really required to solve the deep structural issues affecting the economy, the level of unemployment, as well as securing investment and building confidence. This requires addressing the still largely pale, male corporate boardrooms so that we can claim that our economy is truly inclusive and perhaps transformed.

Government ministers new and old will need to pore over detailed stuff like fixing potholes and ports, roads and railways, while fighting crime. Exciting as it may sound, they will need to address the boring stuff of foreign relations, which includes abiding by the international rules we have signed up to while pursuing SA’s national interest.

The most boring aspect of all will be to ensure that the Public Service Amendment Bill, passed in February, lays the basis for the professionalisation and modernisation of the public service.

We need to urgently address the steady decline in electoral participation. An important opportunity is the Electoral Reform Consultation Panel’s investigation; the report is due by June next year.

South Africans are feeling a little spring in their step, and not just because the Proteas reached the Men’s T20 cricket final and the Boks are world champions. We are investing much hope that all our leaders—political and societal—will work to ensure this GNU lasts the five years until the 2029 elections, and that none of its constituent parts will walk out on some flimsy pretext.

Yacoob Abba Omar is director of operations at the Mapungubwe Institute.

The GNU is in place, but what will happen to the NHI Act?

With the GNU in place, what does this mean for the future of
the National Health Insurance Act? We asked some experts...

Now that South Africa has a Government of National Unity (GNU), the implementation of the NHI is likely to get even trickier than before the elections.

Universal access to healthcare means providing the same healthcare to everyone in the country, regardless of whether someone can pay for it or not.

Before the elections, the DA, for one, wanted the NHI Act to be dropped and told its voters the party had its own plan for how to get to universal health coverage. The IFP voted against the NHI Bill in Parliament and, although GOOD doesn’t directly refer to the NHI in its election manifesto, the party voted for the Bill in the National Assembly.

“NHI is a form of universal healthcare, but there are different models,” says Hassan Mahomed, a health systems expert from Stellenbosch University’s division of health systems and public health.

For the NHI Act, this means “how—or if—it is implemented is now the issue”, says Pamela Saxby, founder of Policy Watch SA, an organisation that helps businesses and their legal advisers make sense of the law-making process in South Africa.

“There’s still a very long way to go,” says Saxby. “Who will influence [the future of the NHI] the most? These things still have to be thrashed out.”

President Cyril Ramaphosa’s signing of the NHI Bill into law on 15 May, just two weeks before the general elections, was met with, to say the least, mixed reactions. Putting his signature on the Bill meant that he gave the presidential go-ahead for it to be law, which could be officially published as an Act in the Government Gazette the next day.

“It was important to fulfil a promise made long before the elections,” says Saxby. But, she explains, signing a Bill into law without making it implementable “simply means it joins the statute books”.

Will the NHI Act become a reality? And if it does, how will it look in practice and how long will it take for the law to change people’s lives?

“Speed is not a word that I will apply to the NHI. Even if the ANC had obtained a majority, it was going to take time—15 to 30 years analysts suggest—to implement the NHI. It’s going to be a slow process,” says Mahomed.

But, he says, at the moment there’s “a lot of anxiety and panic around the NHI”—and that’s why we asked a few experts to explain what comes next.

The NHI Act has been signed into law. Is it ready to be rolled out?

“No, not yet. The NHI Act as it’s been published now is more like a rough outline than a final picture, and will need both further legislation and regulations so that it can operate—that’s why the president has not yet announced when it will come into effect (or he withheld the date of commencement),” says Ben Cronin, a law lecturer at the University of Cape Town and former state law advisor in the Western Cape.

Before the Act, or any part of it, can be rolled out, Parliament will need to enact further legislation (including ones providing for its funding) and the necessary regulations—that is, the rules that make the law enforceable—have to be written. “Regulations determine the detail of how the final picture will look; it’s like adding colour and shading,” he explains.

It’s a long process to get to that point, adds Saxby—especially for a piece of legislation that is so intricate and touches on or is affected by many other laws.

“Once regulations for an Act—or a part of it—have been drafted, they are submitted to the department’s minister. If approved, the minister will, in a series of steps, present them to the Cabinet, after which they’re published in the Government Gazette so that the public can give their input. A period of 30–90 days is usually allowed for public comment and, based on this input, the regulations can be revised and then again have to go through the approval process in Cabinet.”

Only once the regulations (or the part for which they were written) are final, is the law ready to be promulgated, which means that the president’s formal announcement can be published in the Government Gazette.

Can the Act be overturned?

Cronin says “the process for repealing an Act is not different from that of passing a new one—it will just require an ordinary majority on the day of the vote in Parliament”.

But, he adds that opponents of the NHI Act might not need to fully repeal it to achieve their goals.

Parliament could thwart the NHI Fund by simply withholding the next pieces of legislation that will be needed to make the NHI work (like Bills introduced by the minister of finance to allocate money to the Fund), he says. This would “effectively scupper” the NHI Fund and make it a “car without an engine”.

To make any changes to the Act—officially called amendments—the usual law-making process will have to be followed, explains Sasha Stevenson, executive director of the human rights law centre, Section27. This means the health department will have to table an amendment Bill in Parliament, where it will again be debated, followed by input from the public. Only then can there be a decision as to whether the change is accepted or dropped.

Although regulations are easier to change than an Act itself, “you can’t fix a law through regulations,” she says.

How would the Act go forward, if at all?

Rolling out the NHI will be a gradual process. At the signing at the Union Buildings, Nicholas Crisp, NHI deputy director general in the national health department, told Bhekisisa that once the regulations for a section or clause are ready, the minister can propose by when that part of the Act should be promulgated—that is, publicly announced, by publication in the Government Gazette, that it’s ready to be put into effect—but the president decides on the specific date.

Crisp says because there’s no board or fund for the NHI yet, it’s impractical to bring the entire Act into effect simultaneously. However, its wording does allow for staggered roll-out dates, with an initial phase of four years (from 2023 to 2026) to set up a board and its administration.

Heads for four of the five chief directorates for the NHI’s branch within the health department—health product procurement; digital systems; service provider management; and healthcare benefits and provider payment design—were appointed in 2023. The chief director for risk identification and fraud prevention still needs to be appointed.

At the signing in May, (then) Health Minister Joe Phaahla said the health department was already preparing regulations for the NHI Fund and its structures.

If it does go forward, what will happen first?

The first thing that needs to happen for the NHI to get off the ground, is that a board has to be appointed (once the regulations for this are ready), Crisp told Bhekisisa.

The board will, in turn, be able to appoint a CEO for the Fund, and the board and the minister will set up technical committees to help with specialised knowledge. An important one would be the benefits committee, which will work out what services the NHI will cover, explains Mahomed.

“NHI-funded healthcare may be available if we have the flu or pneumonia, or our children need immunisation, but what if I’ve got a rare form of cancer? Will the NHI pay for that? This benefits committee work is crucial in guiding the actual financial structure of the Fund.”

Working out the prices for treatment—and what service providers like general practitioners, physiotherapists, dentists, and pharmacists who will form so-called contracting units for primary healthcare, will be paid—will require another committee. Mahomed explains that each province has had pilot sites to test out how the contracts should work.

How long will it take to implement fully?

Rolling out the NHI will take many years, experts have said. Two phases for getting the NHI off the ground are described in the Act. The first will run from 2023 to 2026, to set up the administration of the Fund and shifting the control of central hospitals from the provinces to the national health department. “That’s also a bone of contention,” notes Mahomed, “because the national department has never managed services directly. But that’s one of the goals for the first phase.”

The second phase—from 2026 to 2028—is about “actually putting in place the building blocks for the NHI to function”, he explains—things like setting up contracting units and how hospital services and emergency services will be funded by the NHI.

While the exact timeline for rolling out regulations is not fixed because of political, economic, and administrative issues, experts say strengthening the health system has to start now “rather than waiting for NHI to solve all problems”.

Anna-Maria van Niekerk and Linda Pretorius are journalists for the Bhekisisa Centre for Health Journalism.

Nelson Mandela
was only human

Max Matavire sat down with the Nelson Mandela Foundation’s acting chief executive Verne Harris to chat about the great man himself and the work of the Foundation

Nelson Mandela was only human like anybody else. He made mistakes, some of which he has acknowledged. He was angry and bitter when he came out of prison. His only difference from other people was the manner he handled challenges, his resilience, persistence, tenacity, perseverance, and how he processed difficult situations and this made him unique.”

These are the words of Nelson Mandela Foundation acting chief executive Verne Harris when trying to explain and dispel the myth still held by many that Madiba was “a saint” and therefore infallible.

“Imagine, he failed three exams between 1947 and 1949 when he was studying for his law degree, and had two failed marriages. He has also admitted that not fully fighting HIV/AIDS when he was still President was one of the thinks he regrets,” says Harris in an interview with Leadership Magazine to mark Mandela Month, which is celebrated every July, coinciding with his birthday on July 18.

Harris said this widely held notion by many people that Mandela was perfect is misleading, as the man was only human. He had faults like any other human being.

Harris said Madiba came out of prison “deeply wounded but he decided to channel his anger constructively”.

“He was very angry and bitter, but he chose a different way to handle those emotions and that is the big, important lesson we should learn. That’s leadership.” Harris said Mandela was not always easy to work with as he was a “perfectionist”. “He wanted and expected things to be done in a certain special way and that made him unique and difficult to work with,” says Harris with a chuckle. To support this, Harris gave this example of a carpet: “Imagine even the tassels on his mat—he wanted them to be always straight—that’s how he wanted things to be perfect. So these finer unique attributes set him apart from others, placing him in his own league, but not that he was infallible.”

On leadership failures in the country, Harris says this is not only unique to South Africa, as the problem abounds worldwide. Responding to whether the country’s current leadership has lived up to the values espoused by Madiba, Harris said: “Leadership happens at many levels of society and not only in government.

Yes, we have seen leadership failures and we all have to take responsibility. There is still a lot to be done in this sphere.”

The Foundation has numerous educational programmes, mainly for children, as Mandela was fond of children. It also collaborates with various local and international universities in an effort to develop leadership programmes for the youth; in order to instill the icon’s values, leadership qualities, and humanity. Harris said documentaries and comic books for children have been published as this is one of the Foundation’s main priorities is enhancing Early Childhood Development.

Harris said the Foundation was proud of the work and contribution it was making in education and was working closely with the relevant departments.

“We have taken part in training, production of educational modules, and inputs in conjunction with the Departments of Education and we are getting traction. We always consider children in all that we do. We have published comic books for children and some are in bookstores now. Once every month, we bring children from communities to the Foundation to have a closer look at what we do and to interact with some of Madiba’s work,” said Harris.

He said funding to run the Foundation was becoming difficult to source as the world changes. Harris says that 10 years ago, about 80 percent of their funding used to come from international donors, but this has since changed as now it is corporate South Africa which has taken over.

He, however, lamented what he termed “profound alienation of the youth from formal processes of democracy”, citing voting apathy as one such example. “They (youths) think voting does not make a difference. Some even question the compromises made during independence and there is this notion that Madiba sold out. So, there is need for engagement.” However, Harris admits that with 30 years of democracy, the country should have done much better.

Harris said another role of the Foundation was to create spaces for engagement and putting out material which is relevant for any discourse, since it has access to conversations Madiba had, even when in prison. He said contrary to what some old people believe, there was a lot to learn from the youth. “Too often older people think they know it all, but we have a lot to learn from our youth,” he said.

On if the school curriculum contains enough teaching about Mandela, Harris said as the Foundation they were “comfortable” with what it contains about the icon.

“We feel that his life and times are strongly represented, but we would like to see far more critical engagement.”

Many South Africans are of the firm belief that the current leadership has betrayed what Madiba stood for. Some even go as far as saying the icon would be turning in his grave because of the dire situation the country finds itself in.

Madiba once said a country’s progress is measured by the manner with which it treats its senior citizens. This is a far cry from the situation prevailing in the country where the elderly are seen standing in long queues in the rain or hot sun to collect their social grants.

Out of pens: how pharma greed cuts people with diabetes off from lifesaving meds

What happens when a pharmaceutical company decides to stop making lifesaving medication because it’s no longer profitable enough? Christina Pitt investigates...

Since May this year, the health department has had to ration how many injection pens filled with human insulin, for the treatment of diabetes, it can give each clinic or hospital.

An injection pen consists of a pre-filled tube of insulin set in a plastic casing. A dial for measuring out a dose is at the back of the casing and a single-use needle is fitted at the front end. The pens are easy to use because it makes a ‘click’ sound as the dial is turned past marked numbers on the tube to measure out the right dose.

The health department’s predicament is because the pharmaceutical company Novo Nordisk, who’s been supplying stock for the past three years, didn’t put in a bid for the new three-year contract for this treatment, which was to start in May.

When Bhekisisa asked about the company’s reason for this, vice president and general manager for the South African operation, Sara Norcross, cited “capacity limitations”. They let the health department know in October last year that they won’t be putting in a new tender for pens, she says, but that they will still supply human insulin—in vials.

Between 2020 and 2022, the number of prescriptions for drugs called glucagon-like peptides, which are used for blood sugar control and also double up as weight-loss medicines, increased 300% in the United States (US) alone. In America, Novo Nordisk’s three brands of these medications come with a hefty price tag. One of their injectable brands, Ozempic, costs about R17 000 ($936) per month; the other, Wegovy, sells for around R24 700 ($1 349) a month. The company also makes the medicine as a pill, called Rybelsus, for which a month’s supply goes for R17 000 ($936). Together these three brands accounted for two-thirds of the company’s roughly R390 billion ($21.1 billion) revenue in 2023.

Ironically, were it not for diabetes, these medicines would never have been developed.

“The [human insulin] shortage shows the direction pharmaceutical companies are going in—[it’s] where the money is. This time around people have options, but what happens next time around when there’s none?” asks Candice Sehoma, advocacy adviser of Doctors without Borders (MSF).

Plan B

When someone’s pancreas doesn’t make any (or enough) insulin (a hormone), they have too much sugar in their blood. This leads to a condition called diabetes and many of these patients need to inject a lab-made form of the hormone to help lower their blood sugar to a healthy level. Because the medication mimics how the body’s natural sugar-control hormone works, it’s called human insulin.

The “options” Sehoma refers to stems from the situation not being a complete stockout. Injectable insulin treatment will remain available in the public sector, says Khadija Jamaloodien, the health department’s head of procurement, but the alternatives—medication that comes in a small glass bottle and which the user has to draw up manually in a syringe or pens that deliver a different type of insulin—are more cumbersome to use or more expensive, and therefore fewer people who rely on state healthcare will be able to get convenient treatment.

Novo Nordisk was the only company contracted to supply South Africa with human insulin, whether in injection pens or in vials.

The health department says to manage the situation, they have sourced a small supply of human insulin pens and ones with a different formulation of insulin, for the elderly, young children, and people with vision problems.

Other patients, though, will have to switch to drawing up insulin from a vial or learn to use a different type, which will mean they have to check their blood sugar levels daily and possibly also change how much insulin they have to inject.

Jamaloodien says the reason for the supplier not choosing to tender for a new contract was not directly communicated to the health department. “It’s not that obvious, but we can infer from their actions that they’re prioritising other more profitable products.”

Money, money, money

Novo Nordisk sells a pen of human insulin to the government for about R30 each. That means that from the close to 13.7-million pens the state bought between 2021 and 2024, the pharma company earned almost R415-million.

To buy pens filled with the alternative type of insulin, from the pharmaceutical supplier Sanofi, it costs the health department between about R51 and R73 a shot. For the roughly 270 000 units the state ordered, the manufacturer therefore got about R19-million.

Three companies—Novo Nordisk, Eli Lilly, and Sanofi—control 95% of the insulin market in poorer countries. Although there are also other insulin manufacturers in the world, due to the patents held by the Big Three, the smaller companies need a licence from them to make the products.

This means the three companies “can set prices as high as they want”, says MSF, which has led to a lawsuit in the US against the drugmakers and three businesses that negotiate what patients pay for their medicine, for alleged excessive pricing and unfair business practices.

The might of a pen

With injection pens filled with human insulin soon to disappear from public clinics or hospitals in South Africa, many patients will have no option but to switch to filling their syringes from a vial even though eight out of ten people across 38 countries, which included many from poorer regions, prefer pens, an MSF report shows.

People will still get their insulin, says Jamaloodien, but the delivery method will be different and more inconvenient.

Shiara Pillay, a 29-year-old project manager from Cape Town who’s been using insulin pens for about ten years, says these devices are easier to use than having to fiddle with filling a syringe manually from a glass container. She recalls that she “definitely broke a few vials and [had] bent needles [as a school child] because [they] are difficult to travel with”.

Pens are also more discreet because you can inject yourself anywhere without people noticing, but people tend to stare when you use a syringe in public, she says.

Because syringes take longer to prepare for injection (for example, you have to get the vial ready, use the syringe correctly and ensure that there aren’t any air bubbles in the liquid) and the user having to judge from the markings on the barrel what the exact amount is that they’re drawing up, using insulin from a vial can be difficult, says head of endocrinology at Groote Schuur Hospital, Joel Dave.

For some people—like those with poor eyesight or the elderly, whose hands might not be so steady anymore—it could also be dangerous.

The body needs a stable amount of sugar in the blood at all times to ensure that its cells always have enough energy. If your blood sugar level is too high, you need insulin to lower the amount of glucose in the blood. But, if your blood sugar level drops too low—for example, if someone injected too much insulin—it can lead to a coma or even death.

Injecting too little insulin has the opposite effect: blood sugar levels remain high, which in the long run can cause serious harm to your kidneys (and so your body can’t get rid of waste) or damage your nerves.

Although the health department did receive bids for injection pens that contain a different formulation of the sugar-control hormone, called insulin analogues, Jamaloodien says because they’re more expensive than the human insulin pens, it’s difficult to supply all diabetes patients with these options.

Moreover, the make-up of insulin analogues is different from that of human insulin (to make it work faster or stay in your body longer) and so when or how someone has to take their shot is different. So even if a patient is familiar with using an injection pen, they will still have to learn to use the new type of medicine correctly, explains Dave.

“When you use human insulin, you should take it about 30 minutes before you eat, whereas insulin analogues [newer formulations that work faster] can be injected, preferably, 5–10 minutes before a meal or within 20 minutes after eating. If you take it [a rapid-acting analogue] too early, your blood sugar could drop low because it works quickly.”

A sign of the times

For diabetes patients who have to switch to vials and syringes for their insulin fix, the move puts them at least 10 years back from when human insulin pens were first introduced in South Africa to deal with their illness.

The situation is a repeating pattern of global health inequalities that leave poorer countries with the short end of the stick, says Sehoma.

People in European countries have more access to insulin pens, with up to nine out of 10 having started using insulin pens by 2008. But in poorer regions, a 2019 survey of diabetes care facilities in which 37 countries took part, showed that roughly eight out of ten children and young people used vials and syringes even though almost three-quarters of them preferred pens.

Such disparities in access to healthcare between rich and poor countries have existed for many years, even during global crises.

Madhukar Pai, an expert in epidemiology and global health from McGill University, criticised wealthy nations that “hoarded vaccines and trashed millions of expired vaccines” during the COVID-19 pandemic while Africa was left last in line as the least vaccinated continent in the world in 2021. It is estimated that more than a million lives were lost in that year because of this stockpiling.

Similarly, during the Ebola outbreak in West Africa between 2014 and 2016, more than 11 000 people died, but, wrote Pai, “investments in research and development dramatically increased only after white people fell sick with Ebola”—more than 900-fold, a study shows.

Says Sehoma: “Pharmaceutical companies will always prioritise money and invest in products where they are more likely to get profit. In doing so, they put money over people’s health.”

Christina Pitt is a journalist for the Bhekisisa Centre for Health Journalism.

Navigating agriculture’s crossroads: innovative financial strategies for resilience in the face of climate change

In South Africa and across the globe, agriculture stands at a crossroads where the forces of climate change, economic pressures, and social dynamics converge. The imperative for sustainability has never been greater, driving farmers to innovate, adapt, and collaborate in new ways. As we navigate the complexities of a changing world, it is essential to explore how these challenges shape the agricultural sector and how farmers are responding with ingenuity and resilience. Mbali Nwoko investigates...

Climate change is no longer a distant threat but a stark reality, manifesting in erratic weather patterns, prolonged droughts, and extreme weather events. Across South Africa, farmers have grappled with the impacts of this changing climate, exacerbated by the recent El Niño phenomenon. Over the past eight months, El Niño has intensified weather extremes, leading to devastating consequences for agriculture.

El Niño, characterised by the warming of sea surface temperatures in the Pacific Ocean, profoundly impacts global weather patterns. In South Africa, it often brings below-average rainfall, leading to drought conditions and water scarcity. According to the South African Weather Service, the recent El Niño event has contributed to a significant decline in rainfall across the country, particularly in the Western Cape, Eastern Cape, and Northern Cape provinces.

The consequences of this prolonged drought have been severe, with farmers facing diminished water resources, crop failures, and livestock losses. The Agricultural Business Chamber of South Africa (AgBiz) estimates that agricultural production has declined by 20% in regions affected by drought, resulting in significant economic losses for farmers and rural communities. In the Eastern and Northern Cape provinces, livestock farmers have struggled to provide adequate grazing for their animals, leading to increased mortality rates and posing a threat to food security and rural livelihoods.

Climate-smart agriculture and adaptive strategies

Despite these challenges, there is a growing recognition of the need for climate-smart agriculture to build resilience. Farmers are increasingly adopting adaptive strategies, such as drought-resistant crop varieties, improved water management practices, and agroforestry techniques, to mitigate the impact of climate variability on their operations. These adaptations require investment, often necessitating innovative financial solutions to provide the necessary capital.

Climate-smart agriculture encompasses practices that sustainably increase productivity, enhance resilience, and reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Techniques like conservation agriculture, which involves minimal soil disturbance, crop rotation, and cover cropping, improve soil health and water retention. Integrated pest management and agro-ecological practices help manage pests and diseases while reducing reliance on chemical inputs. These strategies not only help farmers adapt to changing conditions but also contribute to long-term environmental sustainability.

Innovative financial strategies for Sustainable Agriculture

Fintech solutions are revolutionising access to credit for farmers. Mobile banking and blockchain technology offer secure and transparent financial transactions, even in remote areas. Digital platforms can provide smallholder farmers with micro-loans tailored to their specific needs. For instance, mobile-based credit scoring models use data from weather patterns, crop yields, and market prices to assess creditworthiness, enabling farmers to access funds without lengthy bureaucratic processes.

In Kenya, the mobile banking platform M-Pesa has transformed the financial landscape for smallholder farmers. Through partnerships with micro- finance institutions and agribusinesses, farmers can access loans and savings products directly via their mobile phones. Blockchain technology can further enhance transparency and traceability in agricultural supply chains, providing farmers with better market access and fairer prices.

Creating a robust financial ecosystem for agriculture requires fostering public-private partnerships. Governments can play a pivotal role by providing guarantees and subsidies that reduce the risk for private investors. For example, establishing agricultural insurance schemes can mitigate the financial impact of climate-induced disasters. Index-based insurance, which pays out based on predetermined climate indices such as rainfall levels or temperature, offers a straightforward and efficient way to support farmers without the complexities of traditional claims processes.

Impact Investing and Green Finance

Impact investing aligns financial returns with social and environmental benefits. Investors are increasingly looking to fund projects that not only promise financial gains but also contribute to sustainability. Green bonds and climate bonds specifically target investments in environmentally friendly projects. By issuing these bonds, we can raise significant capital for initiatives such as sustainable farming practices, renewable energy projects on farms, and water conservation technologies.

Cooperative Finance Models

Developing cooperative finance models is another innovative approach. Farmer cooperatives can pool resources to access larger loans and investments that would be unattainable individually. These cooperatives can invest in shared infrastructure, such as irrigation systems, storage facilities, and processing plants, enhancing productivity and reducing post-harvest losses. Additionally, cooperatives can negotiate better terms with suppliers and buyers, improving profitability for all members.

Crowdfunding for Agriculture

Crowdfunding platforms present a unique opportunity for financing agriculture. By tapping into a global network of small investors, farmers can raise capital for specific projects. This approach not only provides necessary funds but also creates a community of supporters invested in the farm’s success. Platforms like Kickstarter and GoFundMe have shown success in other sectors, and adapting these models to agriculture could unlock significant potential.

Crowdfunding has successfully funded projects like urban farms, organic food production, and innovative agricultural technologies.

Embracing Climate-Smart Agriculture and R&D

We must embrace climate-smart agriculture practices and invest in research and development. Funding for R&D can come from a mix of public funds, private investment, and international grants. Innovations in crop varieties resistant to drought, heat, and pests, as well as advancements in precision farming techniques, can significantly enhance resilience. Governments and private entities should collaborate to establish research hubs and extension services that disseminate knowledge and technologies to farmers.

Research institutions like the Agricultural Research Council (ARC) and South African Cultivar and Technology Agency (SACTA) play crucial roles in developing resilient crop varieties and promoting sustainable farming practices. Collaborations between these institutions, governments, and the private sector can accelerate the adoption of climate-smart technologies and practices at the grassroots level.

The path to sustainability is fraught with obstacles, from rising input costs to volatile market conditions. Fluctuating fuel prices, high-interest rates, and the escalating cost of fertilisers and agrochemicals place immense pressure on farmers’ bottom lines, exacerbating financial vulnerability. Precision agriculture technologies, such as GPS-guided tractors and drones, enable farmers to optimise input use, minimise waste, and maximise yields. However, not all farmers have access to these high-tech tools, necessitating a tailored approach to financial solutions.

Therefore, financial institutions need to develop customised products that cater to the diverse needs of farmers. Smallholder farmers often require different financial services than large-scale agribusinesses. Microfinance institutions, rural banks, and credit unions should design loan products with flexible repayment terms, considering the seasonal nature of agricultural income.

Furthermore, financial incentives can encourage farmers to adopt sustainable practices. Subsidies for renewable energy installations i.e: solar, grants for conservation agriculture, and tax breaks for sustainable farming investments can reduce the initial costs and risks associated with transitioning to more sustainable practices.

Enhancing financial literacy among farmers is also essential for effective financial management and decision-making. Extension services and agricultural cooperatives can provide training on budgeting, loan management, and investment planning. By improving financial literacy, farmers can better navigate financial products and services, optimise their operations, and achieve long-term sustainability.

As we look to the future, the imperative for sustainability in agriculture will only intensify. Climate change will continue to exert pressure on food systems, necessitating adaptive responses and transformative changes. Yet, amidst the challenges lie opportunities for innovation, growth, and resilience. By harnessing the power of technology, collaboration, and sustainable practices, farmers can navigate the complexities of a changing world and cultivate a future where agriculture thrives, communities prosper, and economies flourish.

Mbali Nwoko is a commercial farmer, agri entrepreneur, advocate for agricultural advancement, and the founder and CEO of Green Terrace.

Harnessing the
power of storytelling

Mimi Kalinda’s Echoes of Influence is a must-read for leaders who want to harness the power of storytelling as a leadership strategy

 After nearly three decades on the global stage of strategic communication and personal transformation, Mimi Kalinda, Founder and CEO of Africa Communications Group (ACG), unveils her second book, ‘Echoes of Influence’.

This pivotal guide explores how effective storytelling transcends traditional leadership techniques to help leaders engage, inspire, and enact significant change.

Drawing on her vast experience, Kalinda provides readers with practical advice, proven frameworks, and real-world examples to enhance their ability to communicate and forge deeper connections.Kalinda illustrates her points with rich anecdotes and case studies from her work with top global organizations, offering readers a window into how storytelling can be effectively integrated into leadership practices to yield tangible results.

Inspired by the success and impact of ACG, Kalinda expanded her vision through the creation of Storytelling & Leadership (S&L), a platform dedicated to coaching and enabling leaders worldwide to integrate storytelling into their strategic approaches.

‘Echoes of Influence’ is more than just a reflection of Kalinda’s professional journey—it is a comprehensive guide designed to empower leaders to enhance their influence and achieve substantial, lasting impacts. Kalinda argues that leadership is more than just management; it’s about influencing perceptions and inspiring people to achieve collective goals.

This book is about empowering you to lead with conviction and inspire action through your narrative.Mimi Kalinda states: “Storytelling is the backbone of effective leadership. This book distills everything I’ve learned and witnessed about its power to not only convey a message, but to stir hearts and move people to action. It’s crafted for leaders who want to leave a mark, who believe in the power of a well-told story to change the world.”

‘Echoes of Influence’ is more than a manual; it’s a transformative tool that empowers readers to reimagine their approach to leadership. This book is a must-read for anyone eager to master the art of storytelling to lead change and leave a lasting impact on their world.

Who is Mimi Kalinda?

Mimi Kalinda is a multi-award-winning communications expert with 27 years of experience across Africa, Europe, and the United States. As a co-founder of Africa Communications Media Group (ACG), Africa’s premier pan-African public relations and communications agency, Mimi has led campaigns for notable clients, including the Mastercard Foundation and the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation. Her previous roles include leading global communications at Innovations for Poverty Action and the Global Development Incubator in Washington, DC. Mimi serves on the boards of the AKO Caine Prize and Catalyst for Growth, among others. She holds a cum laude degree in Media Studies from New York University and is the author of the e-book ‘Talking to Africa: Considering Culture in Communications for a Complex Continent’.

Mimi Kalinda is a multi-award-winning communications expert with 26 years of experience across Africa, Europe, and the United States.

South Africa’s next electricity disaster has begun

Municipal underinvestment in electricity distribution infrastructure is a crisis that has left many South African households in the dark, writes Bianke Neethling

In a media briefing on Monday, 8 July 2024, Electricity Minister Kgosientsho Ramokgopa said Eskom has done exceptionally well in ensuring that its generation units have been able to meet demand over recent months.

This is why South Africa has been loadshedding-free for over 100 days now.

However, he said South Africa is now facing a “different problem” on the distribution side, which means that not all households in the country have a consistent electricity supply.

“This threat and the risk has come to pass as a result of perennial underinvestment in the distribution infrastructure by municipalities,” he said. For example, he referenced investments in transformers and substations, which are the responsibility of South Africa’s municipalities.

Ramokgopa also attributed these issues to municipalities’ poor planning and management, as well as a lack of technical capacity.

He explained that part of the reason for municipalities’ underinvestment in electricity infrastructure is that many do not ringfence the revenue they generate from electricity sales for infrastructure investment and maintenance.

“We have seen that there’s little to no investment that has been made in the replenishing, maintenance, upkeep and the protection and modernisation of this infrastructure and as a result of that, municipalities are under severe strain,” he said.

This strain has led many municipalities to implement load reduction, which is similar to loadshedding.

Load reduction is a long-established process that Eskom uses in specific areas when there is sufficient electricity available, but a transformer’s integrity is at risk due to overloading.

Loadshedding is used when the national grid is constrained, and there is not sufficient capacity to generate electricity to meet demand.

Ramokgopa explained that, essentially, South Africa’s distribution infrastructure does not have the capacity to meet the country’s reticulation demand.

This results in some households not having electricity for parts of the day.

“That has nothing to do with the performance of Eskom. It has everything to do with downstream inaction on the part of municipalities. That’s the crisis that is confronting us,” he said.

Municipalities in turmoil

The National Treasury’s Local Government Revenue and Expenditure Report for the third quarter of the 2023/24 financial year revealed major financial problems in South Africa’s municipalities.

This report covers local government performance against adjusted budgets for the third quarter of the municipal financial year ending 31 March 2024 and includes spending against conditional grant allocations for the same period.

Similar to the second quarter of the 2023/2024 financial year, this report highlighted major issues in municipal spending, including weak revenue collection, increasing municipal debts, and grant allocations not being spent.

In recent years, several experts have spoken out against municipalities misusing their funds.

Former President Kgalema Motlanthe previously warned that South Africa’s municipalities are heading for collapse, saying that 66 of them are totally dysfunctional and 163 are in distress.

Motlanthe, whose foundation has focused on issues with local governments since 2019, urged the national government to drive municipalities to increase their efficiency and capacity.

At the end of the third quarter of the 2023/24 financial year, municipalities’ aggregate spending was R411.4 billion (66.3%) of the total adjusted expenditure budget of R620.7 billion. Aggregated billing and other revenue was R452.8 billion (73.4%) of the R616.6 billion budget.

Capital expenditure was R38.1 billion (48.3%) of the adjusted capital budget of R79 billion.

The adjusted operating expenditure budget was R541.7 billion, of which R373.3 billion (68.9%) was spent.

Municipalities decreased their salaries and wages budget by R1 billion, from R154.5 billion to R153.5 billion. As of 31 March 2024, R108.5 billion (70.7%) of the adjusted salary budget was spent.

The Treasury has previously warned that grave underspending in this regard could have dire consequences on respective municipalities, especially in terms of councils fulfilling their service delivery mandates.

This echoes the Electricity Minister’s concerns about municipalities’ underinvestment in electricity infrastructure.

This article was originally published by Daily Investor and is published with permission.

Bianke Neethling is a journalist for the Daily Investor.

B-BBEE skills development is a catalyst for growth, success, and advancement

In a country grappling with persistently high rates of unemployment, particularly among the youth, Miguel Correia, B-BBEE Transformation Consultant at The BEE Chamber, emphasises the critical role of skills development in driving positive change and transformation in South Africa’s economy

“As we mark 30 years of democracy, it is evident that targeted Skills Development initiatives are imperative to address the pressing issue of unemployment and to foster inclusive growth,” says The BEE Chamber’s Miguel Correia.

“Empowering individuals through training and education not only enhances their employability but also contributes to building a diverse and skilled workforce essential for sustainable economic development.”

Recent data from Statistics South Africa underscores the urgency of the situation with youth unemployment rates on the rise. Correia stresses that corporate South Africa has a pivotal role to play in upskilling the nation, reducing unemployment, and bolstering the struggling economy through strategic investment in Skills Development.

Skills Development not only benefits employees by equipping them with the necessary tools for career advancement, but also enables economic inclusion, particularly for black individuals.

Correia emphasises that aligning Skills Development strategies with Employment Equity Plans and succession planning can yield substantial benefits beyond meeting B-BBEE requirements.

“A workforce that is motivated, educated, and upskilled translates into increased productivity and profitability for organisations,” notes Correia. “By investing in Skills Development, companies create a positive cycle of growth and empowerment that extends beyond individual employees to the broader economy.”

Organisations that prioritise Training and Development not only enhance their market access as B-BBEE Compliant entities, but also cultivate a reputation for diversity, inclusion, and transformation. Moreover, investing in Skills Development leads to improved employee engagement, retention, and access to funding opportunities and incentives.

“By fostering a culture of learning and innovation, organisations equip themselves with a competitive edge in dynamic industries, ensuring long-term sustainability and growth. Through strategic investments in Skills Development, companies can drive economic empowerment, entrepreneurship, and job creation, ultimately contributing to a more prosperous and equitable society.”

Skills Development initiatives have far-reaching implications for the South African economy, from reducing inequality and fostering entrepreneurship to enhancing global competitiveness and attracting foreign investments. By promoting inclusive economic development through Skills Development, South Africa stands to achieve sustainable growth and create lasting opportunities for its citizens. Skills Development can take form through various initiatives which are as follows:

Employee training and development

By identifying the Skills Development gaps within your organisation, one can provide targeted training and development opportunities to advance careers while simultaneously benefiting from the empowered employee’s development.

Learnerships, internships, and apprenticeships

Organisations can make use of the various Category B, C, D (Internships, Learnerships & Apprenticeships) learning programmes for unemployed individuals as well as for their current employees. These initiatives are aimed at facilitating the transition of unemployed young South Africans into the workforce by providing them with the various skills and experience required for entry level positions.

Enterprise and supplier development

Organisations can also use Skills Development towards other indicators on the B-BBEE scorecard such as Enterprise and Supplier Development by sponsoring Skills Development initiatives at beneficiary entities or even through educational support and mentoring for Entrepreneurs.

Collaboration with training providers and education institutions

Organisations that are not able to implement skills development internally can look at creating strategic partnerships with training providers and education institutions. Organisations can also collaborate with Higher Education Institutions to implement bursaries for qualifying.

Community and Socio-Economic Development through Skills Development

The aim of Socio-Economic Development is the promotion of sustainable access to the economy through income generating activities. Skills Development form part of an Organisations Socio-Economic Development claim if organisations implement training and development initiatives for qualifying beneficiaries and beneficiary communities.

“Through strategic partnerships and targeted interventions, organisations can maximise their impact on Skills Development and contribute significantly to societal upliftment. By embracing the principles of the B-BBEE Framework and leveraging Skills Development as a catalyst for change, organisations can not only meet compliance requirements but also foster a culture of learning, development, and innovation that benefits both their employees and the broader economy. This is key for growth and success in the B-BBEE landscape,” concludes Correia.

Miguel Correia is a B-BBEE Transformation Consultant at The BEE Chamber.

Dear JJ,

In the turbulent landscape of South African politics, the call for stability and unity has never been more pressing. As the country continues to grapple with the socio-economic and political challenges of unemployment, high inequality, corruption, land reform, violent crime, among many others, the establishment of a Government of National Unity (GNU) is a bold move; not a merely a political strategy. It is a crucial step towards securing the future of a nation in need of cohesion and progress.

At the heart of this development lies the recognition that unity must be paramount in the minds of our nation. In a country that is deeply divided on various issues, unity and stability are no longer luxuries, but necessities, for progress.

The concept of a GNU is not novel. History has shown that such arrangements have been instrumental in reconciling differences, fostering inclusivity, and steering countries through tumultuous times. By bringing together parties with diverse ideologies and interests, this development offers a platform for dialogue, compromise, and consensus-building—all essential components for a harmonious and effective government.

Critical to the success of this endeavour, is the role of leadership. The relevant leadership must continuously demonstrate a commitment to the national interest, above all else.

They must continue and navigate the complexities of political realism, balancing the demands of various stakeholders, while staying true to the vision of a united and prosperous South Africa.

The prevention of unnecessary crises is paramount in this process. By addressing potential sources of conflict proactively, and engaging in open and transparent negotiations with partners, the leading party paves the way for a smoother transition towards a GNU. Clear communication, honesty, and a willingness to listen, are key ingredients in building trust and fostering cooperation among all parties involved.

Ultimately, the success of a GNU hinges on a firm commitment to the greater good of the country. Decisions must continue to be guided by what is best for South Africa as a whole, rather than for individual or party interests.

It is only through this collective vision and a shared purpose that the ruling party can lead the nation towards a future defined by stability, unity, and progress. Amidst our journey, we must address the issue of the miss-characterisation and demonisation of certain stakeholders within the GNU. These parties are often portrayed not as legitimate opponents representing significant constituencies deserving of engagement, but as adversaries that are driven by racial interests.

While I do admit that since the days of Helen Suzman, Van Zyl Slabbert, Zac De Beer, et al, the DA has drifted to the right. But it is certainly not the party of Verwoerd. Thus, to claim otherwise is disingenuous.

As South Africans, it is imperative that we engage in a process of introspection, acknowledging and addressing our collective shortcomings and vulnerabilities with a spirit of honesty and courage.

Our nation’s history has been marred by divisions that have pitted us against each other, yet it is crucial that we do not allow these scars to obscure the progress we have made together. In our society, there exists a tendency for some to use race to monopolise opportunities for growth and advancement, thereby excluding others from accessing socio-economic benefits, educational prospects, and participation in areas such as sports.

Simultaneously, challenges persist in maintaining infrastructure and upholding order; areas where some of us may lack proficiency. However, it is also true that many among us possess valuable skills, discipline, and a commitment to order and obedience that are essential for progress.

It is through the harmonious blending of these diverse strengths and attributes that we can continue to shape a nation that stands out as a beacon of excellence on the African continent.

Our country’s greatness lies in its rich tapestry of cultures and traditions, which have contributed to our collective glory despite the challenges we have faced. Today, our illustrious nation stands at the pinnacle, when compared to our counterparts.

By embracing our differences and leveraging our unique strengths, we can work together to build a future that honours our past, while propelling us towards a more inclusive and prosperous tomorrow. Let us strive to cultivate a spirit of unity, respect, and collaboration as we endeavour to create a South Africa that is truly the best it can be. We need each other—we are interdependent, and our collaborative efforts extend beyond our borders. The expertise of South Africans has made a significant impact on the global stage, with many individuals holding prominent positions worldwide. Across the African continent, nations benefit from our proficiency in industries such as mining, farming, construction, and retail; even as we grapple with internal discord.

It is crucial that we resist the temptation of succumbing to fear-mongering and, instead, focus on harnessing our collective strengths for the greater good.

By fostering unity and cooperation, we can continue to positively influence not only our own nation but also the broader African community and the world at large.

I remain.

Yours truly,

Sipho Ngwema

Dear JJ,

Thank you for engaging on this important dialogue and sharing your thoughtful insights on the challenges and opportunities facing our nation during this critical juncture.

I invite you to read to clause 8.3 of the Statement of Intent of the GNU; the shared commitment to principles of social justice, redress, equity, and poverty alleviation. Your anxieties should not arise, because these fundamental principles underscore the importance of addressing historical injustices, promoting transformation, and bringing a better life for all.

The policy and legislative framework remain intact, and these provide a solid foundation for inclusive governance and transformative change. While diversity is indeed a strength of our nation, unity alone and colour are not sufficient to build the economy—we need the tapestry of our cultural, commercial, entrepreneurial, and developmental expertise to grow an inclusive economy.

Furthermore, the market economy is a vehicle we have chosen for economic growth and this highlights the need to navigate the complexities of the global economic landscape, while ensuring that our policies prioritise the well-being of all South Africans.

Balancing economic competitiveness with social imperatives is a delicate task that requires strategic foresight, ethical leadership, and a deep understanding of how to leverage market forces for the benefit of our people and without compromising our core values. Thus, the transformation project requires a strong and growing economy; otherwise there will be no economy to transform.

Thank you once again for your insightful contributions to this important conversation towards a brighter future for our beloved South Africa.

I thank you,

Sipho

Dear Sipho,

Thank you for your well-considered response. You are more optimistic than I am. Your reference to a loose arrangement in the letter of intent, proves this eternal optimism on your part. The morning after the announcement, Helen Zille made it clear across media platforms that they are not there to implement current government policies because, as she asserts, this is a new government and not an ANC government. She made it clear that they will continue to contest the transformation legislation and policies. This is the opposite of what you believe will lead to a collaboration, especially between the DA and ANC. While it is possible that a post-national dialogue, some rapprochement, may happen, for now, the DA is taking a patronising approach of rescuing South Africa from the same ANC that appointed them.

It seems to me that we are going to waste precious time on an exercise in social cohesion instead of attending to the economic challenges facing us. We have an ideological hurdle staring us in the face.

I am not arguing for a doomsday scenario, by any means. I am simply saying that we need to go into this GNU with open eyes. The DA is going in to implement its plan, not the ANC’s set agenda. They are clear about it, and the sooner the ANC is aware of their approach, the better for all. The President will have to tighten performance agreements with all the Ministers. This has not been the habit to date. He has never fired a single Minister for non-performance. I hope he can start, now that he has no new term to campaign for.

All of us want this chosen path to succeed, but we must hold the GNU to account for the priorities they have set.

Thank you for your erudite engagement.

God Bless Africa.

Sincerely,

Prof JJ Tabane

Prof JJ Tabane and Sipho Ngwema are joint holders of the inaugural Government Communicator of the Year Award 2002.